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Lampião, the emblematic figure of the cangaço, is often portrayed as a visionary, fearless and cunning warrior, but this heroic image has been increasingly questioned by contemporary historians.

Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, the man behind the myth, not only orchestrated robberies and kidnappings, but also cultivated a scenario of extreme violence, where murders were considered rituals and torture served as a form of intimidation.

The narrative that previously exalted the cangaceiro as a romantic vigilante unfolds into a darker analysis, revealing his alliance with local elites and his brutal conduct, which in many ways resembles the behaviour of contemporary drug dealers.

The complexity of the figure of Lampião and the cangaço invites us to reflect critically on the social and political inequalities of rural Brazil at the beginning of the 20th century.

Historians such as Frederico Pernambucano de Mello and Élise Grunspan-Jasmin challenge the simplistic view of the cangaceiro as hero, presenting a leader who skilfully navigated the structures of power, exploiting both oppression and violence as strategies for survival and social ascension.

This duality in the representation of Lampião leads us to re-examine not only his figure, but also the conditions that allowed the phenomenon of the cangaço to emerge and perpetuate.

History and Biography of Lampião Divided into Topics

1. Lampião: Visionary Warrior or Cruel Criminal?
2. Lampião and the Cangaço: The Rise of Kidnapping and Extortion in the Sertão
3. The Book ‘Lampião VP’
4. Lampião: The Marketeer of Cangaço and His Contradictions
5. The Saga of Lampião: The History of Cangaço and Its Contradictions
6. Cangaço Tricks – Strategies and Techniques to Outwit the Enemy
7. The Surprising Encounter: Father Cícero and Lampião in Juazeiro do Norte
8. Bonnie and Clyde of the Sertão

1. Lampião: Visionary Warrior or Cruel Criminal

A visionary, fearless and intelligent warrior. Nobody denies Lampião‘s virtues. However, researchers question the true historical role of Virgulino Ferreira.

The cangaceiros made murder a macabre ritual. The long dagger, up to 80 centimetres long, was thrust into the base of the victim’s collarbone – the popular ‘soap dish’.

The pointed blade cut through the flesh, severed arteries, punctured the lung, pierced the heart and, when removed, produced a spectacular splash of blood. That was one less policeman or snitch in the caatinga – and one more dead person in the cangaço‘s accounts.

When they didn’t kill, they made a point of wounding, mutilating and leaving visible scars, so that the marks of violence would serve as an example. They drew deep cross-shaped wounds on men’s foreheads with knives and disfigured women’s faces with hot cattle branding irons.

Exactly 70 years after the death of the main leader of the cangaço, Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, or Lampião, the aura of heroism that for some time was attributed to the cangaceiros is giving way to a less idealised interpretation of the phenomenon.

A series of books, theses and academic dissertations launched in recent years argue that it makes no sense to cultivate the myth of an idealistic Lampião, a primitive revolutionary, insurgent against the oppression of the latifundia and the injustice of the northeastern hinterland.

Virgulino would not be a romantic vigilante, a Robin Hood of the caatinga, but a cruel and bloodthirsty criminal, an ally of the colonels and large landowners.

Contemporary historians, anthropologists and social scientists have come to the not-so-comfortable conclusion for the memory of the cangaço: in rural Brazil in the first half of the 20th century, the action of bands like Lampião’s played a role equivalent to that of the drug traffickers who today kidnap, kill and corrupt in the country’s major metropolises.

2. Lampião and the Cangaço: The Emergence of Kidnapping and Extortion in the Sertão

• Introduction of kidnapping: The cangaceiros introduced kidnapping on a large scale in Brazil, taking hostages in exchange for money to finance new crimes. If they didn’t receive the ransom, they tortured and killed the victims. Extortion was another source of income, with letters demanding astronomical sums not to invade towns and set fire to houses.
• Violence and corruption: Ruthless, they left a mark of violence and corrupted military officers and civil authorities. With an armoury that was always more modern than that of the troops fighting them, the cangaceiros’ violence reflected the inequality of rural Brazil in the first half of the 20th century.
• Comparison with drug dealers: Anthropologist Luitgarde Oliveira Cavalcanti Barros compares the cangaceiros’ methods with those of today’s drug traffickers, pointing out that both in the sertão and in the favelas, the honest population lives under the terror dictated by bandits.
• Social ascension: Joining the cangaço represented a form of social ascension for the young people of the caatinga, offering the possibility of a life full of adventure and quick money. The cangaço, which had its precursors as far back as the 18th century, found in Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, Lampião, its maximum leader between 1920 and 1938.
• Origin of the cangaço: The origin of the cangaço can be traced back to armed bands that operated in the violence of the northeastern hinterland. Lampião stood out for his strategic tactics and for cultivating a vast network of coitus, which ensured the longevity of his career and dominance in several states in the Northeast.

Controversies about Lampião: Divergences about the figure of Lampião persist. Was he a demon or a hero?

Researchers and ex-cangaceiros present contrasting views, and the narratives surrounding his figure intertwine with the history of the cangaço, making it difficult to separate the man from the legend. This multiplicity of views and versions is what contributes to his status as a myth.

3. The book ‘Lampião VP’

The book Lampião VP, recently launched in France by Jack de Witte, promises to heat up the debate on the figure of Lampião, the ‘King of Cangaço’, by comparing him to the Rio de Janeiro drug dealer Marcinho VP, the protagonist of Caco Barcelos‘ reportage book Abusado.

De Witte argues that the violence of the favelas and the cangaço have similar causes, such as poverty, social injustice, police and political corruption.

However, historian Jayme Pinsky, from Unicamp, warns that this comparison can lead to anachronism – the analysis of different historical periods based on contemporary concepts, which distorts the understanding of the facts.

The concept of the ‘social bandit’, formulated by English historian Eric Hobsbawm in his book Bandidos (1975), has often been applied to Lampião, comparing him to figures like Robin Hood and Jesse James, who, according to Hobsbawm, acted as defenders of the oppressed in agrarian societies in transition to capitalism.

• The image of Lampião as a revolutionary began to take shape in 1935, when the National Liberation Alliance cited him as a political inspiration.
• In 1963, Rui Facó, in the classic Cangaceiros e Fanáticos, justified the violence of the cangaço as a response to social oppression, a view shared at the time by figures such as Congressman Francisco Julião, who considered Lampião a fighter against the latifundia.

However, scholars such as Élise Grunspan-Jasmin and Frederico Pernambucano de Mello refute this romantic view.

• For Mello, Lampião was not seeking social justice, but personal gain.
• He also emphasises the relationship between cangaceiros and colonels, who, rather than being rivals, often collaborated with each other. Powerful colonels, such as Petronilo de Alcântara Reis and Eronildes de Carvalho (future governor of Alagoas), provided Lampião with weapons and protection, while the cangaceiro offered militia services in return.

This historical complexity reveals that, far from being just a defender of the poor, Lampião skilfully navigated the political and social landscape of his time, maintaining alliances with the conservative elites.

4. Lampião: The Cangaço Marketeer and His Contradictions

• Refuting the idea of revenge: The idea that Lampião was an avenger was refuted by historian Frederico Pernambucano de Mello. He points out that in almost two decades of cangaço, Lampião didn’t bother to directly avenge his father’s death, supposedly caused by Lucena and Saturnino.
• Gestures of peace: Mello reports that Miguel Feitosa, known as Medalha and one of Lampião’s trusted men, mentioned that Saturnino sent a uniform and a cut of cloth as a gesture of peace, which Lampião accepted. When an ally proposed killing Lucena, Lampião replied that these issues were old hat.
• Ethical shields: Mello argues that the discourse of personal revenge and acts of charity were used as ‘ethical shields’ to justify the acts of banditry, conferring an aura of legitimacy to the cangaceiros’ actions.
• Sense of belonging: Life in the cangaço, although arduous, created a sense of belonging and pride among the bandits, making it difficult for them to leave the groups. This was also reflected in the way the cangaceiros dressed, who adopted extravagant outfits with embroidery and props that became status symbols.
• Image awareness: Lampião was extremely conscious of his public image, using his appearance and frequent media appearances, including photos and filming, as tools for self-promotion.
• Comparison with drug dealers: This preoccupation with image is comparable to the visual ostentation of today’s drug traffickers, as suggested by anthropologist Luitgarde Barros, who observes similarities in the use of symbols of power, such as hoods and skull tattoos.
• Parallels with police violence: The police violence that oppressed the cangaceiros also finds parallels in the brutal treatment that favelas dominated by drug trafficking face today. The volantes, police troops tasked with hunting down cangaceiros, acted with the same truculence as the bandits, often confusing the two groups, who wore similar clothing and, in some cases, switched sides.
• Lampião’s end: The end of Virgulino Ferreira, or Lampião, followed the violent fate of many criminals. In 1938, he was betrayed by Pedro de Cândida, one of his cohorts, who was tortured by the police until he revealed the gang’s hideout in Grota do Angico, Sergipe.
• Death and legacy: After a quick 15-minute battle, Lampião, Maria Bonita and nine other cangaceiros were killed and their bodies beheaded by Lieutenant José Bezerra‘s forces. The heads of Lampião and Maria Bonita were displayed as trophies and remained unburied until 1969, when, at the request of their families, they were finally buried, bringing to a close one of the most remarkable chapters in the history of the cangaço in Brazil.

5. The Saga of Lampião: The History of Cangaço and Its Contradictions

Main Events

• 1898: Birth of Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, the future Lampião, in Serra Talhada, Pernambuco.
• 1915: Beginning of the rivalry between the Ferreira family and José Saturnino‘s family.
• 1920: Lampião’s father, José Ferreira, dies. Virgulino and his brothers join the cangaço.
• 1922: Lampião takes command of the gang after the departure of Sinhô Pereira and begins his robbery activities.
• 1926: He receives the symbolic rank of captain from Padre Cícero and is called up to fight the Prestes Column.
• 1927: Frustrated attack on the city of Mossoró, in Rio Grande do Norte, considered one of his greatest defeats.
• 1929: He meets Maria Bonita, who becomes his companion in the cangaço.
• 1930: Maria Bonita officially joins the gang, marking the female presence among the cangaceiros.
• 1932: Birth of Expedita, daughter of Lampião and Maria Bonita.
• 1936: Film-maker Benjamin Abraão films Lampião and his gang, recording rare scenes of the cangaceiros’ daily life.
• 1938: Lampião, Maria Bonita and part of their gang are killed in an ambush in Grota do Angico, Sergipe.

The story of Lampião continues to fascinate and generate debate about his figure, portrayed by some as a ‘social hero’ and by others as a simple bandit.

The cangaço, as a movement, was a phenomenon linked to the social and political conditions of the northeastern region, especially power disputes, social inequality and the absence of a centralised state.

6. Cangaço Tricks – Strategies and Techniques to Outwit the Enemy

Although it is inaccurate to classify the cangaceiros as guerrillas – since they had no defined political purpose – it is undeniable that they adopted typical guerrilla tactics. Adapted to life in the caatinga, they became difficult opponents for the police, especially for the units sent from the cities with the mission of fighting them in the sertão.

Agile offences

• Quick Attacks: One of the main difficulties in facing them was their preference for quick, ferocious attacks that took the enemy by surprise. In addition, they did not hesitate to flee when cornered. This retreat, often interpreted as cowardice, was in fact a cunning strategy by the cangaceiros, allowing them to preserve their strength and continue operating in a hostile environment.

Tropa de Elite

• Small bands: The bands were always small, with a maximum of 10 to 15 men. This ensured the necessary mobility to carry out surprise attacks and withdraw quickly in dangerous situations.

Dead of Night

• Travelling on foot: Instead of travelling on horseback along roads and trails known to the police, they travelled long distances on foot, preferably at night.
• Sabotage: In order to prevent new access routes to the sertão from being opened up, they murdered workers at road and railway construction sites.

The equipment

• Hanging Belongings: All the cangaceiro’s belongings were carried hanging from his body.
• Secret Storage: As they couldn’t carry much luggage, money and food were placed in jars buried in the ground, to be retrieved later.

Desert Foxes

• Hiding Tracks: The cangaceiros were masters at hiding tracks.

Some tricks included

• Wearing their sandals backwards, making the police think they were going in the opposite direction.
• Walking in single file, backwards, stepping on the same footprints and erasing them with foliage.
• Jumping over a slab, giving the impression of disappearing into thin air.

Dead Weight

• Rare prisoners: With the exception of abductees, they almost never took prisoners in combat, as this hampered their ability to move quickly. They also didn’t keep colleagues who were wounded or had difficulty moving.

Conflict resolution in the gang

• Conflict resolution: To resolve internal disagreements in the gang, Lampião always planned a major attack. All the members of the gang would unite against the enemy, putting aside their differences.

The Infiltrated

• Coiteiros: Those who provided shelter and hiding places for the cangaceiros were called coiteiro and acted in exchange for money, armed protection or even out of fear. Coiteiros who betrayed trust were killed to set an example.

Escape routes

• Areas of Action: The cangaço’s main areas of action were close to state borders. In the event of pursuit, they could cross them to be safe from attack by the local police.

Friendly and Enemy Fire

• Fundamental Rule: During the fighting, there was a fundamental rule: in the event of a retreat, never leave weapons for the enemy; in victories, take possession of his arsenal.

7. The Surprising Encounter: Padre Cícero and Lampião in Juazeiro do Norte

The night Padre Cícero talked to Lampião was marked as an unusual meeting between two of the greatest myths in the history of the Northeast.

A third mythological figure, Luís Carlos Prestes, the commander of the Prestes Column, also played a role in this encounter. Since the previous year, this guerrilla military movement had been travelling through the interior of the country, confronting the troops of President Artur Bernardes.

As the revolutionary column marched towards the north-east, the federal government decided to call on local political leaders to form their own armies and fight the rebels.

General Góes Monteiro, chief of staff of the operations against the Column, recognised that the idea of calling in jagunços and cangaceiros came from him.

In Ceará, deputy Floro Bartolomeu, a political ally of Padre Cícero, officially invited Lampião’s band to join the ‘Patriotic Battalion’.

In February 1926, Father Cícero attempted a peaceful solution by sending a letter to the revolutionaries urging them to lay down their arms, promising shelter in Juazeiro do Norte and legal guarantees of fair treatment. Lourenço Moreira Lima, secretary of the Column, recorded in his diary that the message revealed the priest’s sincere desire to make peace.

The request, however, was ignored. When Lampião arrived in Juazeiro do Norte on 4 March, Floro Bartolomeu had already travelled to Rio de Janeiro, where he would die.

Padre Cícero was then faced with the challenge of welcoming the famous bandit and fulfilling what had been agreed.

Lampião and 49 other cangaceiros occupied a house near Floro’s farm and lodged in Juazeiro do Norte, where Virgulino threw coins at the people from the window.

At dawn, Father Cícero met the gang and tried to convince Lampião to abandon the cangaço after the campaign against Prestes.

To formalise the situation, he called the only federal official available in the city, agronomist Pedro de Albuquerque Uchoa, to draw up a document that would guarantee the band safe conduct and the promised patent.

However, Lampião quickly discovered that the document had no legal value, but that didn’t stop him from signing it as ‘Captain Virgulino’.

With this, the cangaceiro obtained enough money and weapons to continue on his way, now proudly sporting the false military rank.

Later, Uchoa justified his participation in the episode, saying that, in front of Lampião, he would sign anything: ‘Even the impeachment of the President of the Republic,’ he said.

8. Bonnie and Clyde of the Sertão

The love of Maria Bonita and Lampião caused a revolution in the daily life of the cangaceiros. A country girl, Maria Gomes de Oliveira, known as Maria Déa, softened the King of Cangaço’s heart of stone. Separated from her husband, the shoemaker José Miguel da Silva, she was the first woman to join the cangaço.

Before her, other gangsters had wives and children, but none had dared to follow their companion into the wandering life of the caatinga.

The first meeting between Maria and Lampião took place in 1929, in Malhada de Caiçara (BA), at the home of Maria’s parents, then just 17 years old and the niece of one of Virgulino’s cohorts. The following year, the young woman left her family to live with the man she loved.

When the news reached Lampião’s old master, Sinhô Pereira, he was surprised. He had never allowed women in his band, believing it would bring discord and jealousy. However, after Maria’s arrival in 1930, many cangaceiros followed her example.

In the cangaço, women didn’t cook or wash clothes, and since no one owned a house, they had no domestic obligations. The cooking and washing tasks were given to the men, and they were restricted to keeping their partners company.

The children born were given to coiteiros to be raised. Lampião and Maria had a daughter, Expedita, born in 1932. The couple’s firstborn, however, was stillborn in 1930. Infidelity was punished within the notion of honour in the caatinga: the cangaceiro Zé Baiano killed his wife, Lídia, on discovering her betrayal, and Moita Brava murdered his companion Lili for falling in love with the goat Pó Corante.

The arrival of the women coincided with the period of decadence of the cangaço. Since Maria Bonita began accompanying Lampião, the cangaceiro’s nomadic life has changed, with longer periods of rest, especially in Sergipe. Maria’s influence on Lampião was evident. Researcher Pernambucano de Mello said: ‘Lampião was very changed. His aggression was diluted in Maria Déa’s arms’.

It was during one of these moments of pause in the sertão of Sergipe that Lampião was surprised and killed in Grota do Angico in 1938, after a battle with Lieutenant José Bezerra‘s troops. It is said that when his head was cut off, Maria Bonita was wounded but still alive.

Bahia.ws – Tourist Guide to Bahia, Salvador and the Northeast